The Leviathan built by Hafez al-Assad, a fascist state stretching from Daraa in the west of Syria to Deir Ezzor in the east, has been shattered irrevocably by thepopular upsurgeof the March 15 revolution. Born as a peaceful protest movement for dignity and political reform, the Syrian uprising painfully and organically developed into a revolutionary war to liberate the country from the misrule of Bashar al-Assad’sfascist cliqueand dismantle his regime’sbarbaricinstitutions.
Like all wars, this war in the final analysis is aclass war. Suburban and rural (mostly Sunni) farmers, laborers, small merchants, andelements of big businessfight to overthrow their enemies, the urban-basedAlawite-dominatedstate apparatus, thatapparat‘s junior partners — the Alawite, Sunni, and Christian bourgeoisies— as well as its Iranian, Iraqi, and Hezbollah enablers. Unfortunately, these enemies do not fight alone: educated professional urban Sunnis constitute the backbone of the civil service bureaucracy that keeps the regime running and some 15%-20% of the adult male Alawite populationservein the military-security services. Those who have nothing to lose find themselves in combat fighting those who have nothing to lose but their chains. The have-nots fight for freedom while the have-littles fight for fascism.
“Who do you feel best represents the interests and aspirations of the Syrian people?”